The most distinctive idea associated with the Green New Deal was the notion that an ambitious push on climate change should be intimately linked to a large expansion of the welfare state.
In its canonical maximalist form, this meant yoking the transformation of the energy sector to a total transformation of the American economy. In Kate Aronoff’s look ahead to 2043 written in 2018, she describes the life of a young woman named Gina in the world the Green New Deal built:
Gina attended free preschool and free college in addition to her free K-12 education and indeed was able to graduate entirely debt-free.
She received Medicare benefits as a recent college graduate.
Gina “isn’t extraordinarily wealthy, so she can live in public, rent-controlled housing — not in the underfunded, neglected units we’re accustomed to seeing in the United States, but in one of any number of buildings that the country’s top architects have competed for the privilege to design, featuring lush green spaces, child care centers, and even bars and restaurants.”
Broadband, water, and electricity are all provided for free by publicly owned utilities.
There is also a national employment guarantee where “at any number of American Job Centers around the country, she can walk in and work with a counselor to find a well-paid position on projects that help make her city better able to deal with rising tides and more severe storms, or oral history projects, or switch careers altogether and receive training toward a union job in the booming clean energy sector.”
Now obviously this all goes quite a bit further than anything Joe Biden ever proposed.
But the Biden administration’s original $3.4 trillion Build Back Better proposal is clearly a copy of a copy of a copy of Aronoff’s story. I spent a lot of time during the first 18 months of Biden’s term in office complaining about Democrats’ failure to set priorities. And the core idea of the Green New Deal really was on some level that prioritization isn’t necessary — this sweeping vision of eco-socialism would save the planet.
This idea always struck me as borderline insane (for a more polite criticism, read Jerry Taylor writing back in 2019 for the Niskanen Center) because it takes reducing greenhouse gas emissions, something the public supports but doesn’t think is very important, and pairs it with multiple unrelated and highly controversial social changes as if deliberately trying to maximize political backlash. Why?
I have never heard a convincing defense of this concept on the merits. But a Democratic Party graybeard who encouraged major funders to support the Sunrise Movement did once tell me that he thought I was missing the big picture.
In his view, the Sanders 2016 campaign and the massive backlash to ACA repeal in 2017 created a huge danger for the climate movement — namely that Democrats would win in 2020 and then spend 2021 prioritizing another round of health care reform. According to this graybeard, telling young leftists that it was all one big struggle would make it possible to knock health care out of pole position in the prioritization game and get climate to the front of the line.
This struck me as such an unbelievably weird bank-shot theory of change that I mostly believed the guy was just BSing to get me to stop complaining. But the fact is, that’s almost exactly what happened, so it’s possible this guy is the Kwisatz Haderach and everything went according to plan.