More than anyone else in the modern history of Congress, it’s Gingrich who observers credit for bringing the hyperpartisan, obstructionist approach to Washington that we associate with the capital to this day. “When in doubt, Democrats lie," he said in 1988. He trafficked in sticky political nicknames: the “loony Left” and “daffy Dukakis.” In 1996, he actually sent out a memo to Republican candidates to help them learn to “speak like Newt.”
It wasn’t just rhetorical: Newt’s rise to the speakership in 1994 came after years of infighting, trying to swing the party hard to the right along with other young radicals like Trent Lott and Dick Armey. “These young members who were in the minority, in the House, were very frustrated by an inability to translate radical ideas into policy,” says Franc, of the Hoover Institute. “They were impatient.”
From the back bench, he and his radical brethren went after the congressional establishment, including fellow Republicans for not being conservative enough. He called Senate Majority leader Bob Dole, a veteran and a storied Republican, “a tax collector for the welfare state.” In 1978, he told Georgia Republicans, “I think that one of the great problems we have in the Republican Party is that we don't encourage you to be nasty.”
If he had knives out for his own party, he had a grenade ready for the Democrats. While there had been a few government shutdowns during the 1970s and '80s, they were minor burps, and sometimes, government agencies simply continued to function without funding, knowing it was just a temporary wrinkle. The Gingrich shutdowns, say experts, were nuclear. There were two of them. The first, in November 1995, shut down the federal government for five days. The second was more extreme. In December 1995, 800,000 federal workers were furloughed for three weeks—because President Clinton didn’t accede to all of Gingrich’s demands during budget negotiations, and neither blinked.